By Roos Haer
This e-book examines even if adjustments within the organizational constitution of armed teams form styles of human rights violations in civil wars.
Since the top of global battle II, civil wars were characterised by means of tremendous excessive numbers of civilian casualties. although, the precise volume of civilian affliction varies throughout time, clash, and geographic zone. lately, a brand new strand of analysis has emerged, essentially enthusiastic about learning the dynamics underlying the difference in civilian abuse via reading the features of the armed teams and the way those features impression the armed teams’ behaviour in the direction of the civilian inhabitants.
With connection with principal-agent conception and knowledge at the organizational constitution of greater than 70 armed teams lively all over the world from 1989 onwards, the author’s research features either at the point of the armed crew and at the point of the person through own interviews with fighters.
Offering a special perception into how components equivalent to recruitment tools, hierarchy and organizational dedication might impact the possibility of civilian abuse by means of fighters, this booklet can be of a lot curiosity to scholars of political violence, civil wars, battle and clash reports, safeguard reviews and IR in general.
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Additional resources for Armed Group Structure and Violence in Civil Wars: The Organizational Dynamics of Civilian Killing
It is said that the “right” incentives attract the “right” agents with the ability to excel in certain tasks and as such create efficiency (Laffont and Martimort 2002). The only task for the principal is then also to compose a “good” contract with the “right” incentives. This is already a complicated task when constructing contracts in the legal environment. 22 Theory However, when talking about attracting agents for organizations that engage in illegal activities, such as armed groups, this task of the principal is immensely challenging: in these kinds of environments, agents are even more risk averse than in normal settings.
Quoted in Buijtenhuijs 1996: 21) The same words were echoed by those of Zimbabwe People’s Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA) political commissar Colin Matutu, who said about his mobilizing tasks in the rural areas of Zimbabwe: “We didn’t only talk political theory, for people did not understand all that political jargon (. ). You don’t talk about the capitalist or the socialist state to them” (Frederikse 1982: 60–61; Buijtenhuijs 1996: 21). The idea that material benefits enters into the decision process of potential recruits of armed groups is not just an idea of leaders.
Or as he has formulated (2004: 2): Previous theoretical studies of genocide have tended to diminish the role of leadership on the grounds that the interests and ideas of a few elites cannot account for the participation of the rest of society in the violence. My research, however, suggests that society at large plays a smaller role in mass killing than is commonly assumed. On the contrary, the impetus for mass killing usually originates from a relatively small group of powerful political and military leaders.
Armed Group Structure and Violence in Civil Wars: The Organizational Dynamics of Civilian Killing by Roos Haer