By Kathleen Gleeson
Too usually, current literature has conflated the discourses that enabled the 'War on Terror', ignoring the contextual specificities of the states that make up the 'Coalition of the Willing'. Australia's 'war on terror' Discourse fills this hole by way of supplying a whole and sustained severe research of Australian overseas coverage discourse besides the theoretical synthesis for a particular version of serious discourse research of the subject.The language of then major Minister Howard is the first concentration of the publication yet consciousness can also be paid to the language of key ministers, political rivals and different trendy actors. The voices of these who challenged the dominant discourse also are thought of to make clear the ways that discourses might be destabilised. Kathleen Gleeson exhibits how Howard effectively invoked narratives of identification and sovereignty that resonated along with his viewers and promoted his remodeled narrative of Australia when dealing with dissent from many actors who voiced their competition such a lot effectively once they capitalised on inconsistencies in the discourse.
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Additional info for Australia's 'War on Terror' Discourse
1 Three-dimensional conception of discourse Source: Fairclough, 1992, 73. Reprinted with permission from Polity Press. As the three dimensional model suggests, analysis of discourse will be conducted on the basis that language use consists of three dimensions – it is simultaneously a text, a discursive practice and a social practice (Phillips and 11 A number of ontological and epistemic claims made by Fairclough clash with the poststructuralist position underpinning this analysis; notably: the claim that objective truth is a (albeit remote) possibility (Chouliaraki and Fairclough, 1999, 33); the use of ‘ideology’ to theorise dominant constructions of reality, which – for reasons outlined in the interview on ‘Truth and Power’ (in Rabinow, 1984, 60–61) – Foucault found problematic; and the manner in which Fairclough confines his notion of discourse to semiotic systems as opposed to the poststructural view of discourse which necessarily extends beyond language to include social practice (Phillips and Jorgensen, 2002, 67).
Irving Kristol, the ‘godfather’ of neoconservatism argues that the goals of American foreign policy should go beyond ‘myopic national security’ and pursue an agenda based on a broader notion of ‘distinctive (national) greatness’ (cited in Kirkby, 2007, 31). Such a view is again derivative of the thought of Leo Strauss. Strauss was a firm believer in the ability of a state to achieve political excellence; he argued that influential states are both capable of and morally obligated to draw on nationalist sentiment to impose their ideologies on other states and actors.
Foucault’s concept of Governmentality will also feature sporadically as a means of making sense of the relationship between subject and state. Governmentality was a concept born out of the rise in security apparatuses of states and refers to the varied means by which governments and individuals create and recreate one another. In practice, it is a theoretical tool for fleshing out the link between discursive and social practice in a particular discourse (Foucault, 2007). Critical Discourse Analysis Gelber (2007, 93) has observed that better results in discourse analysis can be achieved by combining elements of a number of approaches.
Australia's 'War on Terror' Discourse by Kathleen Gleeson